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Statement of the Groupe Bolchevik
The
government looked up in the unlimited resources of the state and its took out
the 3rd of April 1955 act, which was first used against the freedom
fighters and the Arab civilians in the occupied Algeria. It is obvious that the
French colonial State is persisting. Chirac, Sarkozy, Villepin and the like set
the organized and experienced bourgeois state against the disrupted rage of the
youth, which is hammered by the outcome of its policy against the working
class. Helicopters, gendarmes, riot police are deployed in thousands in
deprived estates; thousands people are arrested; immediate trials blow with
already 364 prison sentences without remission. Curfew, searches day and night,
ban on meetings, show what the “French social model” is: it holds when the poor
keep quiet.
Native
working-class organisations, parties and trade unions, demonstrated their
failure once more. None of them called the working people for demonstrations
against the government and its police, after Zied Benna and of Bouna Traoré
died, fleeing from an umpteenth figure identity check. Two 14 and 17 years-old
teenagers were electrocuted and immediately indicted for burglary by the
Ministry of Interior. Neither the PS nor the PCF, nor the trade unions decided
to organize the spontaneous revolt of the justifiably exacerbated young people
in the popular areas in Clichy. They were let alone against the police.
Worse,
the PS and PCF shared their demand of “reestablishing the republican rule”
as soon as the anger spread in the estates of the suburbs of Paris, and then in
the provinces.
The
government proves unable to restore law and order. (CEN of the PCF, 4th of November 2005)
The
day Villepin announced the enforcement of special laws, implementing aggression
against the working-class suburbs, Ayrault, announced at the National Assembly
“to set a non-aggression pact towards the government”. The leader of the PS
parliamentary group claimed himself to be “not hostile on principle to the
curfew”.
First
of all, it is absolutely essential to restore order and security. (Hollande, first secretary of the PS,
8th of November)
Without
demanding the immediate withdrawal of the emergency state, L’Humanité, 8th of November, merely mentioned the measures that
were announced by Villepin the day before; the communiqués of unions CGT and FO
said nothing on that minimal demand, like the PT, which “expresses its deepest concern”!
PS,
PCF, LCR, LO all demand the reinforcement of the anti-outburst devices, which
role is to contain the social misery:
Immediate
implementation of the community policing devices, of partnerships between all
the forces: police, Gendarmerie, justice, local councillors… (CEN of the PCF, 4th
of November 2005)
In
the so-called problem areas, there is neither community policing nor standing
police stations. (Lutte Ouvrière, editorial, 4th of November 2005)
What
do the mayors want? They want immediate public services, the presence of
police, not only when incidents occur, a standing police. (Hollande, France 2
TV, 7th of November 2005)
The
reformist parties and their associates are systematically by the side of the
defense of the bourgeois rule. Notably, they called for voting Chirac, they
accepted Vigipirate, they supported the discriminating law against the veil.
The union leaderships that are linked to them isolate the strikes (like at the
RTM, public transport of Marseilles), if they do not directly betray them
(seamen of the SNCM), they call for powerless days of action, they divert the
discontent of the proletariat in an ongoing demand for “negotiations”
with the government Chirac-Villepin-Sarkozy, like if it intends to change his
policy, to stop aggressing the working class and to satisfy workers’ demands.
In place of the reformists that are not trusted by the youth, the priests and
the imams recommend resignation and silent demonstrations, whereas the poor cry
out for revenge.
There
are at least five million unemployed and highly precarious workers in France.
Temping agencies have become the most important employers. 25 % of the
population, 50 % under 26 are unemployed in the poorest areas in
Ile-de-France, Picardy, Nord-Pas de Calais. Only half of out of job. Because
they fled from repression or from misery in their native country, dozens of
millions of workers, frightened by the threat of being arrested, are forced to
work without any social welfare, for very low wages. 759 980 industrial
accidents were registered in a year, including a 3.8 % increase of serious
accidents leading to a permanent disability. 1 950 cancers appeared on
workers who were exposed to asbestos.
Young
people with an Arabian or an African name are severely discriminated, whether
they are qualified or not. They endure police checks, insults from the first
French cop, Sarkozy. In the ZEP (areas
targeted for special help in education), the rate of academic
failure is twice higher than the national average: Villepin announces the
possibility to apprentice as soon as 14 year-old(in place of 16). Families are
thrown out, deprived of housing because the state refuses to give them papers,
expels them, or because they cannot pay rents that are more and more expensive.
Whole areas are abandoned, with damaged housings and buildings, public
transport and service infrastructures are insufficient: the number of hospitals
is twice lower and five times more people are affiliated at the CMU (free healthcare for low income people).
Millions
of workers and young people are daily attacked, but such violence is not given
a lot of media coverage. It is the outcome of the preservation of a mode of
production which is based on profit for a minority of people. This permanent
disorder for the majority results from the capitalist rules. No “town
policy”, with demolitions of social housings which expel the poor further
away, the “free zones” where they should work for a cheap wage for exonerated
bosses, will solve it. Only a proletarian revolution, in expropriating the
capitalists, in spreading the job for all, in producing and distributing
according to the workers’ needs, will eliminate social injustice.
It
is first of all against such a possibility that the police, community or not,
has, together with the army, the monopoly of weapon possession; repressive
corps are first of all organized against the working class, which has the
sufficient social power to overthrow the capitalist system. Intervention of the
GIPN (special task force of the national police) against the Bègles post office
workers on strike, of the GIGN (special task force of the gendarmerie) against
the SNCM sailors on strike, of the riot police against people in inadequate
housing, against the workers who try to prevent their lay-off; judges of the
magistrates’ court state declare “illegal” the strike of the tram
workers; threat of requisitioning of strikers; condemnations of students and
secondary school students after the demonstrations against the Fillon act;
announcement of deportation of foreign people, even in regular situation, if
they were condemned… The dissolution of all the repression forces, of all the
courts of the bourgeois “law” which condemn the protestors and amnesty the
bosses and the ministers, will be one of the tasks that the workers’ revolution
will achieve for the sake of public health. The most urgent task is to get
organized for contributing to its victory.
The
betrayal of the organizations which lead the proletariat leaves powerless the
proletariat and the youth against the government of capital. The defeats
(second imperialist war against Iraq, wave of massive lay-offs, reduced and
delayed pensions, cuts in public health and instruction, privatizations…) that
were inflicted because of their policy of constant collaboration with the
capital and its agents erode the political consciousness of the proletariat and
the youth, especially the part who sees no future. Such disorientation is
exemplified by arsons of cars of workers by their children and their neighbours
in popular areas, by the destructions of schools, gyms or buses, by attacking
firemen as cops… Such acts against the wrong enemies avoid who is really
responsible: the capitalist class, the Chirac-Sarkozy-Villepin and all the
governments before. They result in a reinforcement of the repressive devices,
under the approval of a high proportion of the population. The reformists are
responsible of such a rift within the proletariat.
The
Groupe bolchevik proposes to all the young people who are legitimately outraged
by the bourgeois rule, by the unemployment, by the segregations, by the racism,
to contribute to the building of a revolutionary organization which can fight
for their legitimate demands, in rising the red flag of the humiliated and the
oppressed, reviving the workers’ struggles led by their parents and
grand-parents, of all origins, of all colours.
The
Groupe bolchevik claims to all the young people, the proletarians, who are
legitimately disgusted by the betrayals of the reformist organizations, of the
glib talkers of the “extreme left”: it is necessary to build a revolutionary
workers’ party, whose program is the dictatorship of the proletariat, the
liquidation of the bourgeois State and of its institutions, the expropriation
of the capitalists, the workers’ control for organising the satisfaction of the
huge needs of the population, the collaboration of the proletariats of all the
countries.