CRP en el Perú
We stand with Karl Marx: ‘The emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves. The struggle for the emancipation of the working class means not a struggle for class privileges and monopolies but for equal rights and duties and the abolition of all class rule’ (General Rules of the International Workingmen’s Association, October 1864).
We recognise the need for programmatic development in order to understand the tasks of the contemporary period – programme first! as Trotsky said. Because the emancipation of the working class can only be the act of the working class itself, and because social-democracy and Stalinism have long since passed into the camp of counter-revolution, revolutionaries must organise themselves around a revolutionary programme both in Britain and internationally.
We see democratic soviets/workers’ councils as the instruments of participatory democracy which must be the basis of the successful struggle for workers’ control as the pre-condition for the revolutionary struggle for political power. So it is necessary to agitate for maximum workers’ self-organisation in struggle; every strike, occupation or action by the working class that increases their collective self-confidence is a step towards revolution and so bitterly opposed by capitalists and their apologists amongst the trade union bureaucracy. Soviet democracy, i.e. the dictatorship of the proletariat, must be the basis of the organisational form of the workers’ state, a repressive but unavoidable transitional phase in the process of the development of communism where the workers defend their new state against counterrevolution and organise the production of life’s necessities so that want and oppression, rights and democracy wither away together with the repressive state and are no longer needed because of the free availability of all of life’s needs and wants; alienation in all its forms has finally been superseded by social and economic equality.
The capitalist state consists, in the last analysis, of armed bodies - like the army and police - which act in defence of the capitalist system and class. We acknowledge the need for a democratic Marxist Revolutionary Socialist Party to defeat this capitalist state and political system. The process of revolution is based upon democratic interaction between party and class. This interaction creates the political conditions for the self-emancipation of the working class. The process of economic success in transcending the alienating power of capital will also facilitate the political conditions to develop consent for the movement towards communism. The revolutionary process of transition to communism is based on the struggle to form an international federation of workers’ states. Such a federation is required in order to overcome the worldwide poverty and starvation caused by the domination of global free marker finance capital and end the threat of global ecological catastrophe.
We defend the heritage of the Russian Revolution and critically support the revolutionary thrust of the first four Congresses of the Third Communist International before the victory of the counter-revolutionary Stalinist bureaucracy and the imposition of the theory of socialism in one country after 1924. We counterpose of the violence of the oppressed to the violence of the oppressor and critically defend the methods of Trotsky in the Civil War and in the taking of the Kronstadt Fortress in 1920. We oppose Libertarian Marxists, ‘Left’ communists, platformists and traditional anarchists on this question, although agreeing with them on the final goal of an egalitarian communist society based on the production of the superabundance of life’s necessities in conformity with a sustainable biosphere.
the collapse of the Second International the October Revolution ‘shook the
world’ and, amongst other things, facilitated the formation of the Communist
International. There were significant problems with the Comintern from the outset. The majority of German
Communists saw the formation as premature and had concerns that the new
International would be overly dominated by the Russian CP. Despite this, the
early years of the Comintern represent a
support Trotsky’s Transitional Programme of
No to popular fronts with the political representatives of any
capitalist class to ‘defeat fascism’, stop war or for any other reason and no
to sectarian abstention from the class struggle. The Stalinists who subordinated the working
class to a part of the bourgeoisie derailed the revolutions in both
Marxists counterpose the united front tactic to popular frontism in order to relate to reformist workers; placing demands on reformist leaders both to advance our class interests and to expose and defeat the reformist leaders before their membership in the course of struggles. Under no circumstance does a united front include a non-aggression pact. We always retain the freedom to criticise.
We recognise the necessity for revolutionaries to carry out serious ideological and political struggle as direct participants in the trade unions (always) and in the mass reformist social democratic parties despite their pro-capitalist leaderships when conditions are favourable. Rather than tail-ending, or seeking to become left-bureaucrats as the SP, the AWL, the ISG and SWP do we seek to build a rank-and-file movement independent of all bureaucracy, even its left variety as represented in Britain in the past by Arthur Scargill and today by Bob Crow, Mark Serwotka, etc. In the National Shop Stewards Network we do not want to ‘seize control’ from the current leadership around the SP, the SWP, or the RMT bureaucracy but to make it a real rank-and-file democratic movement that is independent of even left bureaucrats e.g. get rid of clause 3 which forbids intervention in the internal affairs of trade unions and make it open to all working class militants.
The British Labour party was never a socialist party. Clause 4, so beloved by left-reformists, was never more than a fig leaf. The Labour party remains a bourgeois workers’ party, that is to say, it is a pro-capitalists party based on the organised working class. So long as this remains the case, Marxists advance tactics it which may include both entryism and critical electoral support. We must not be part of the stupid, Stalinist third-period sectarian mistake the far left has been going through for the last 15 years or more; that because we understand that the Labour party and the trade union bureaucrats are class traitors the mass of the working also understand this and therefore the masses will come to us directly or we can con them by building a half-way-house, a more radical reformist Labour party Mark II. We advance tactics toward Labour party members as part of our united (rather than popular) front orientation, recognising the LP remains a type of workers’ party. That is we need to expose the existing leadership of our class: this is where the pro-imperialist misleaders live; it is far more than ‘tactics towards individual members’ of the LP, and is about the LP being an arena which is still intimately linked to the TUs and so a vital arena for the class struggle.
We recognise the urgent necessity for a programme for women’s liberation and prioritise work in defence of abortion rights, crèche facilities and equal pay. We fight for the creation of a working class women’s movement. We recognise the leading role women have played in past revolutionary struggles and we emphasise the contradiction of the underrepresentation of women on the contemporary revolutionary left. We fight for free abortion and contraception on demand, for equal pay, for free 24-hour childcare in well equipped nurseries and kindergartens. We are for the abolition of all laws relating to prostitution which always criminalise women and/or place them in danger of violence and death.
We aim to develop a programme for the emancipation of all the specially oppressed. We support the right of women, Black and Asian people, lesbians and gay men, bisexuals and transgender people to caucus inside the unions, in social democratic parties and in revolutionary socialist parties also. We fight racism and fascism. We support the right of people to fight back against racist attacks. Self-defence is no offence! We fight for an end to all discrimination against lesbians and gay men, bisexuals and transgender people, and against harassment whether by the state or by homophobic reactionaries. Abolish all laws used to persecute lesbians and gay men, bisexuals and transgender people - gross indecency, soliciting, obscenity laws, blasphemy laws, etc.
oppose all immigration controls. International finance capital roams the
planet in search of profit and imperialist governments disrupts the lives of
workers and cause the collapse of whole nations with their direct intervention
in the Balkans, Iraq and Afghanistan and their proxy wars in Somalia and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, etc. Demands for immigration controls are
fuelled by the right-wing press, and imposed by Brown and the Enoch Powell-like
immigration minister Phil Woolas to undermine workers
organisation and collective solidarity. Big trade unions like Unite and the GMB
who now supply 90% of Labour party funding and who could easily call the tune
on this and on the anti-union laws, etc acquiesce to Brown on everything; we
must demand they begin a real campaign in defence of immigrants to combat the
media bias. We must unconditionally defend the rights of all workers to seek
the best remuneration for their labour in the metropolitan countries and fight
there the enemy which has destroyed their lives in their own countries. At the
same time we support those workers in non-metropolitan countries in struggle
against their imperialist employers, landlords etc! This includes workers in
the west taking action in defence of their brothers/sisters in
We demand of all governments a world plan to combat climate change and the degradation of the biosphere which is caused by the anarchy of capitalist production for profits of transnational corporations. But we recognise this is a vitally important class question. Ecological catastrophe is caused by imperialism so to combat this threat we must redouble our efforts to forward the world revolution. But transitional demands on governments are crucial here; cheap and ultimately free nationalised public transport by trains and buses and a halt to Airport runway expansions as at Heathrow to reduce the carbon emission of cars, trucks and planes, wind, wave and solar power generated electricity, international and ultimately global energy and water networks, an end to rainforest destruction by a global ban on trade in hardwoods and other timber produced there, serious recycling programmes that reward rather than penalise, etc., whilst recognising that individual efforts make little difference and plastic-bag ecology is used by governments to guilt-trip individuals and avoid internationally co-ordinated actions which can alone reverse this drift towards disaster. We must therefore focus our demands on making the case for a global planned economy by a global federation of workers’ states, only this can prevent ecological catastrophe.
As revolutionary international socialists we support Trotsky’s theory of Permanent Revolution and its applicability to the present era of globalisation. We also support Lenin’s differentiation of all nations into imperialist oppressor nations and oppressed colonial or semi-colonial nations. We are always and in all circumstances for the defeat of imperialism as the main enemy of progressive humanity even by non-working class forces in wars between imperialism and oppressed nations. In defending the strategy of permanent revolution in the semi-colonial world we reject both ‘two-stage’ conceptions and the idea of ‘socialism in one country’ as reactionary utopias.
recognise that the fall of the Berlin Wall and the destruction of the
betrayals of the discredited Labour government in the face of the growing
financial and economic crises give the fascists of the BNP hope of advancement.
They now have fifty eight local councillors in
We dissociate ourselves from the organisational methods of most post war Trotskyist groups. These can be characterised as a) bureaucratic centralist with a top-down elitist leadership, often with a single guru-like figure, and b) sectarian in the sense of wishing to control or destroy broad movements or campaigns. We are in favour of democratic centralism in an open democratic party with rights for factions and tendencies.
We are for the reconstruction of the Fourth International as the world party of socialist revolution and will fight for the fusions and splits necessary for this in our international work. We recognise the majority of those forces internationally who claim the name of Trotskyism as centrists, in the Marxist sense that they capitulate to bourgeois ideology but also tend to relate to aspects of the revolutionary method of the Trotskyist Transitional Programme at times and seek to peruse some of its method in however inadequate a form. These forces, despite their degenerate and cynical centrist leaderships, do contain the vast bulk of subjectively revolutionary socialists on the planet. ‘Soft’, reformist, moral pressure power of global networks will not work for climate change, poverty or rebuilding a revolutionary international. US and world imperialism can deploy ‘hard’ economic and military power and we must orientate to the forces who can also deploy hard power on behalf of the working class and oppressed internationally; workers’ organisation which can deliver hard power by strikes and mass mobilisations which can physically stop whole economies, the movement of war munitions and armies, etc. and so can place revolution on the agenda. It is by orientating to the ranks of these workers in struggle that we will win the forces from Trotskyist-centrist groups, and of course by working closely to regroup with those groups nationally and internationally who have made significant advances in breaking from that centrism. In this way we aim to assist in reconstructing the Fourth International.