CRP en el Perú
From: Collective Permanent Revolution
To: ITC Britain
Date: 20 June, 2009
Copy to: GKK (
Object: Relations between ITC & Collective
through the Groupe Bolchevik (
Permanent Revolution Collective was born as an international gathering based on
a meeting in 2002 at the LOI (
getting rid of the Collective, the latter being too independent and too
critical, the leadership of the LOI felt free to turn back to its utopia, the
“reconstruction of the 4th International” (which means that it is
unable to politically assess the Morenoist variant of Pabloism and to break the
legacy of the revisionism of the LIT and with the opportunism of the MAS, that
were never fought by the current leaders of the PTS and of the LOI when Moreno
was still alive), to its perspective for “new Zimmerwald” (which was explicitly
condemned by the 4th International when Trotsky was still alive, and
which corresponds with the “half way house” that you denounce on a national
level in the point 10 of your platform). It felt free to hide its fluctuations
between spontaneism and opportunism through a “third period” kind of rhetoric,
to substitute to concrete analyses some delirious inventions and slogans that
it does not implement in
detailed balance sheet of its practice in the face of the revolutionary
the Collective is limited to militants in
Still, it has allowed some militants, who are coming from different traditions (LRCI-CEMICOR and International Committee-OCRFI) to elaborate and intervene together for more than five years, as the following documents show:
• Charter of the Collective, 2004,
• Manifesto for the Socialist united states of Europe, 2005
• Statement for socialist revolution in Bolivia, 2005
• Statement for the freedom of Iraq and of Afghanistan, 2005
• Statement against the invasion of Lebanon, 2006
• Letter to the GRA (
• Statement for the socialist revolution in Mexico, 2007
• 1st of May Address, 2007
• 1st of May Address, 2008
• Theses on
• Statement in support of the Palestinian people, 2009
• 1st May Address, 2009
The Collective highly appreciates your first public appearance with a clear and firm position against demonstration of jingoism, some strikes against the hiring of foreign workers, that were encouraged not only by the ruling class (which ideology is normally ruling, including in the working class) and the demagogy of its fascistic wing, but also by the role of the workers’ bureaucracies, which have been helped for decades by the epigones of the 4th International. The union leaderships, the traditional reformist party and the former Stalinist party several times sabotaged the remarkable class struggles of the British proletariat, they ruled sometimes s for the bourgeoisie, they have educated workers into social-imperialism and social-chauvinism.
Within the circumstances of serious defeats by the world proletariat and of an incredible decay of the workers’ movement, including the liquidation of the 4th International and the degeneration of former Trotskyist sections, your platform seems promising. Yet, we have reservations, among which the main ones are:
• The point 4 does not mention explicitly the need to destroy the bourgeois state apparatus.
• The point 7 is not complete and it does specify that the nationalizations of banks must be done without compensation.
• The point 10 does not explain that it is necessary to build a workers’ revolutionary party which is distinct from reformism and from centrism.
• The point 15 forgets the demand for
an immediate retreat of your imperialism’s troops from
• The point 18 starts from the unacceptable behaviour of the so-called “Trotskyist groups”, in reversing the communist method which starts from the political program to understand the organisational practice.
• The point 19 is even less materialist, since he gives to the ITC the objective of reconstructing an organization that was destroyed almost sixty years ago, without being able to rest upon an international fraction who would have been assuring its continuity, nor at least a section which would have survived the destruction of the 4th International by its own leadership.
• The point 19 also explains that the majority of the forces that present themselves as Trotskyists are centrist, but also that they tend to be faithful to the Transitional Program. It is centrism, but a reactionary one, going from communism to reformism (and not from reformism to communism). Indeed, the main currents came from the destruction of the 4th International and from the revision of its program. They occasionally use some orthodox or radical slogans in order to betray their own activists and the vanguard workers, in order to hide the fact that they align with non proletarian forces.
We regret that you did not reply to the proposal of the GB, done with the approval of the Collective, for the elaboration of an international position of the communist groups on the continent for the elections in the European Parliament. We think that a methodical and serious discussion between your group and our international organisation is useful. A meeting with the European members of the Collective’s bureau, during the GB Journées d’études, could be the opportunity to define how to proceed.
With our internationalist greetings
The political bureau of the CoReP